When Yamandú Orsi stepped onto the rambla in Montevideo on the evening of November 24, 2024, the crowd didn’t just cheer—they wept. After four years of center-right rule, Uruguay had turned back to its left-wing roots. Orsi, the former mayor of Canelones Department, had just won the presidential runoff with 49.84% of the vote, narrowly defeating Álvaro Delgado, the former social development minister, who took 45.87%. The result wasn’t just a win—it was a reckoning. With 89% turnout among Uruguay’s 3.4 million voters, the message was unmistakable: people were tired of rising crime and stagnant wages, and they wanted change.
A Return to the Left After a Decade
The Frente Amplio coalition, which governed Uruguay for 15 consecutive years from 2005 to 2020, is back in power. That era, defined by progressive social reforms under former presidents Tabaré Vázquez and José "Pepe" Mujica, brought universal healthcare, same-sex marriage, and marijuana legalization to Latin America’s most stable democracy. But when Luis Lacalle Pou won the 2019 election, he ushered in a more market-friendly approach. His administration cut corporate taxes, tightened public spending, and cracked down on protests. Yet crime climbed. Inflation lingered. And by 2024, even some of Lacalle Pou’s own supporters were questioning whether austerity had gone too far.Orsi didn’t run as a revolutionary. He ran as a repairman. "We’re not starting over," he told reporters after the vote. "We’re finishing what we started." His campaign focused on three pillars: public safety, economic fairness, and dignity for the elderly. He promised more police on the streets—not just more arrests, but community patrols in neighborhoods where violence had become routine. He pledged to raise corporate tax collection by 12% through better auditing, not new rates. And he vowed to overhaul Uruguay’s pension system, which currently leaves 18% of retirees below the poverty line.
A Parliament Divided, A Coalition Fragile
But victory in the presidency doesn’t mean control. In the concurrent congressional elections, Frente Amplio won 16 of 30 Senate seats—enough for a majority. But in the Chamber of Deputies, they fell two seats short of 51. Meanwhile, the center-right Coalición Republicana, made up of Partido Nacional, Partido Colorado, Cabildo Abierto, and Partido Independiente, collectively missed a majority by just one seat.This means Orsi will need to negotiate—constantly. And the opposition isn’t monolithic. Partido Colorado, which finished third in the presidential race with 15.2%, is already signaling it might collaborate with Frente Amplio on certain bills, especially those affecting education or infrastructure. "It’s more profitable to sit at the table," one senior Colorado strategist told Good Authority. "We’re not here to block. We’re here to build."
But there’s a wildcard: Identidad Soberana, an anti-vaccination extremist group that won two seats in the Chamber. Their presence adds volatility. They’ve already threatened to oppose any health-related legislation, and their influence could complicate Orsi’s plans to expand public health outreach.
The Woman Behind the President
One of the most historic aspects of this election isn’t just Orsi’s win—it’s who stands beside him. Carolina Cosse, a former engineer and labor minister, will become vice president on March 1, 2025. She’ll be the third consecutive woman to hold that office in Uruguay—a regional first. Cosse, 52, is known for her quiet authority and deep knowledge of social security systems. She helped design the country’s pension reforms in the 2010s. Now, she’ll be tasked with leading Orsi’s most ambitious project: overhauling pensions for 1.2 million elderly citizens. "She’s the one who can make the numbers work," said economist María Fernández of the University of the Republic. "And she’s the only one who can convince retirees this isn’t another austerity measure."What the Voters Rejected
The runoff wasn’t the only vote that mattered. Two plebiscites went down to defeat. The first, which would have allowed private companies to manage pension funds, was rejected by 61% of voters. The second, which would have permitted nighttime police raids without judicial warrants, lost by 58%. These results tell us something critical: Uruguayans want stronger state institutions—not more state power. They trust institutions, but not unchecked authority. "They’re not rejecting safety," said political analyst Luis Márquez. "They’re rejecting fear as a policy tool."
What Comes Next?
Between now and March 1, 2025, Orsi’s team will be busy. They’ll need to form a cabinet, negotiate legislative priorities, and reassure international investors worried about tax increases. The World Bank has already signaled it’s ready to offer technical support for pension reform. The IMF, meanwhile, is watching closely—Uruguay’s public debt sits at 78% of GDP, higher than it’s been since the 2002 crisis.But Orsi’s biggest challenge may be psychological. After four years of center-right rhetoric, many Uruguayans have internalized the idea that progress means cutting back. Orsi’s job is to convince them that investing in people—more teachers, more nurses, more police, more pensioners—isn’t a cost. It’s the foundation of a country that still believes in fairness.
On election night, as fireworks lit up the Río de la Plata, an elderly woman in the crowd held up a sign: "Mujica didn’t leave. He’s back in Yamandú." And for many, that was enough.
Frequently Asked Questions
How did Yamandú Orsi win with less than 50% in the runoff?
Orsi won because the runoff system in Uruguay only requires a plurality—not a majority—to claim victory. While he received 49.84%, that was enough to defeat Álvaro Delgado’s 45.87% after consolidating support from voters who backed other candidates in the first round, especially those from the Partido Colorado and smaller left-leaning parties. The 89% turnout ensured the result reflected a broad mandate, not just a narrow margin.
Why is Carolina Cosse’s role as vice president significant?
Cosse becomes the third consecutive woman to serve as Uruguay’s vice president, a global rarity. Her background in labor policy and pension reform makes her uniquely positioned to lead Orsi’s most critical initiative: fixing the country’s aging pension system. She’s also seen as a stabilizing force in a fragmented parliament, with cross-party respect that could help broker compromises on contentious legislation.
What does the rise of Identidad Soberana mean for Uruguay’s democracy?
The far-right extremist group Identidad Soberana winning two seats in the Chamber of Deputies is a first in Uruguay’s modern history. While small, their presence introduces a disruptive element—they’ve pledged to oppose public health measures and scientific education policies. Their success reflects growing frustration with institutional trust, not necessarily ideological alignment. Experts warn it signals a need for stronger civic education and outreach to counter misinformation.
Will Frente Amplio be able to pass major reforms with a divided Congress?
Yes—but only through negotiation. Frente Amplio holds the Senate, but not the Chamber. Their best chance lies in persuading moderate factions of the Partido Colorado and even Cabildo Abierto to support targeted bills on pensions, education, and public safety. The coalition’s internal divisions may actually work in Orsi’s favor: if the opposition can’t agree on a unified front, they’ll be forced to negotiate piece by piece, giving the president leverage on key issues.
Why did voters reject the nighttime raids plebiscite?
Despite rising crime, 58% of voters rejected allowing police to conduct nighttime raids without judicial warrants. Uruguayans, deeply proud of their civil liberties, saw the proposal as a dangerous erosion of due process. It echoed past abuses under military rule. Orsi’s campaign correctly framed crime as a social issue—not a policing one—and voters rewarded that approach. The rejection confirms that Uruguay still values legal safeguards over quick fixes.
What’s the timeline for Orsi’s first 100 days in office?
Orsi’s team has outlined a phased plan: by mid-March, they’ll announce the cabinet and present a budget framework. By April, they’ll introduce a crime prevention bill focused on community policing and youth outreach. In May, they’ll launch a working group to redesign pension payouts, with public hearings across all 19 departments. By June, they’ll begin negotiations with the IMF on debt sustainability. The goal: show results before the end of summer to build public confidence.